Thursday, March 1, 2012

Driving into tomorrow: Low Riding in the Technological Age

When asked about the future of low riding Joe Rey, current editor of Low Rider Magazine, comments “as long as there is fuel to put in the gas tank, we’re gunna flip those switches”. Low Riding is an automotive culture which has evolved from the modification of automobiles by primarily individuals of Latino, and Mexican decent. Low riding began around the 1930s and blossomed in Southwestern Chicano communities during the post-war prosperity of the '50s. The motto of the lowriders (referring to both the modified cars, and drivers) is to drive as slowly as possible: "Low and Slow" ("Bajito y Suavecito"). This niche automotive industry and culture is evidence of cultural abrasiveness to mass produced commodities. Intended for consumer manipulation, the market strategies and invention of industrial design provided the building blocks for inspiring the first Low Riders to ‘think outside of the box’ in terms of car customization. The individuals who chose to Low Ride (in an indulgent fashion), in the height of its popularity, were significantly influenced by the progress of the automotive industry in design and the industry’s relationship with society. Low riders in the 1960’s Chicano Civil Rights movement were icons which represented the movement’s spirit of revolution. The Californian urban geographies of Los Angeles and San Jose contribute to inspiring artist/drivers and facilitate an environmental context for their modification to flourish. Low Riders are not only stimulated by urban geography but also become a part of the geography and landscape. However, the Chicano Civil Rights movement and the 1960’s California landscape have been changed, progressed, digressed and transformed drastically in the 21’st century. These 21’s century technological changes of Californian geography and population, in combination with ethno political priorities will push Low Riders into a small motorist hobby, instead of providing powerful ‘revolutionary’ cultural messages to a large audience.
The story of Low Riding begins in the 1930’s when America was ruled by three companies: Ford, Chrysler and GM. In this time period America was held tightly in the Fordist ideology, in which companies raised salaries in order for workers to afford the products they themselves produced. Americans adjusted to the pressures of Fordist Capitalism by changing their material and spiritual conditions, to fit society’s demands (70 Auto Opium). However, the ‘Big Three’ had a difficult time in direct consumer manipulation and economically exploiting the masses, especially in terms of mass-producing automobiles. Due to increasing consumer demands and protests against mass-produced automobiles, the car industry began to involve artists and designers into the process of creating automobiles. The automotive industry sought the expertise of Industrial designers to give commodities “the superficial appearance of individuality, unity, progress, and class without changing the foundation of Fordism”(71 Auto opium). By the 1950’s and 60’s models such as GM’s 1948 Cadillac Series 62 sedan, 1957 Dodge Royal Lancer hardtop coupe, and 1958 Edsel Citation two-door convertible attained highly stylized attributes, commonly expressing ‘automotive excess’ which appealed to the superficial American consumer. To promote this superficial lifestyle of excess car manufacturers produced ‘dream cars’ that “probed consumer psyches, engineered the illusion of progress”. Dream cars were the epitome of American excess, and stylized beauty, often providing an aesthetic objective for producers and car customizers. These spectacles inspired new designs which catered to the various ‘dreams’ and aspirations of the American populace. Cars became so diverse that there was a car for every person of every type, often facilitating “an individual’s personality and self-realization” (186 Auto Opium). White American male consumers gained increased upward mobility and majority had viable means to fit three cars into an average garage. Each member in middle-class American society could drive a car which tailored to his or her own needs, especially that of the youthful generation. Where in America did self-realization happen almost instantaneously? The car companies targeted America’s youthful generation which sought out mobility, superficiality, and maturity. Artists and industrial designers in the 1970’s included more pizazz and flare into automotive designs that appealed to the new youthful generation. This new market witnessed civil rights movements including the Hippies, black civil rights, Stonewall riots and the Pachuco riots of the 1940’s. This youthful portion of America attained social awareness, boldness and courage to fight against America’s oppressive government and corporations. Consequentially, the ‘Big Three’ American Car companies created muscle cars which catered and appealed to this segment of youth. “The automakers drooled over this market of youths with discretionary cash and an urge to express their rebellious identity through the automobile” (194 Auto Opium). This youthful nature of rebellion and masculinity can be observed in the rigid body frame and powerful engines of both the 1964 Pontiac GTO Sports coupe and 1965 Ford Mustang 2+2 fastback. However, the car most treasured by Lowrider customizers of the 70’s was the 1963 Buick Riviera. GM sought to attract their youthful market by generating a neoclassical era of automobile design, due to increased interest in nostalgic automotive images (199 Auto Opium). Bill Mitchell, the car’s designer, sought to represent English classics in order to replicate a “tailored look”. The 1963 Buick Riviera was a car which promoted the luxurious life style with a hood so long, that any car customizer could find significant room to fit a large and powerful engine inside. The belt line at the bottom of the car that voluptuously wraps above the wheels was an open invitation for customizers, especially Lowriders, to trim the car with flashy rims or skirts.
The modification, customization and culture of Low Riders exist because of the evolution of automotive design in America. Although cars in the late 1930’s may have been modified in a Low Rider fashion, that specific generation did not identify with “Bajito y Suavecito”. In fact the term ‘lowrider’ was coined much later in the 1960s. The owners, producers and designers of these customized automobiles were middle and upper class white males. Ethnic minorities such as Mexican Americans, Blacks and females had no place in higher management of the automotive industry. Albeit, Lowriding has been popularized by Low Rider Magazine and has gained increased literary popularity, many auto enthusiasts still see it as a chink in the chain of automotive art. Hot Rod Magazine, an affluent magazine for auto enthusiasts, has rarely acknowledged Low Riding culture in its extensive automotive articles and publications (p2 HRM). The difference between Hot Rods and Low Riders is important to note. Hot Rods are classic vehicles of the 1930’s to 1950’s which have been modified and customized for speed on the streets. Low Riders however, utilize cars of the same/later eras, modifying performance and aesthetics purely to cruise at low speeds with style and flavor. The aesthetic importance of Low Rider cars cruising in the 1970s and 1980s comes directly from an incorporation of youthful vibrancy and rebellion in the designs of later models of classic cars. These differences in these genres of automotive customization represent generational differences and cultural priorities. One Texan LowRider sums the variations very clearly “it was all hot rods here in the fifties. That's where the rake position [raising the rear end of the car] came from. Hot rodding is much more expensive. You've got to buy special gears, axles, a high performance engine and carburetor. You got to keep that tension on the motor. You got to go race on a track. Low riders just keep on the streets” (Low Rider2). Even as the America progressed into the Civil Rights movements of the 1970’s the Big Three was monopolized by affluent white males such as Chrysler’s Henry Earl, styling chief Elwood Engel, John De Lorean and Bill Porter. The history of the American Automotive Industry is riddled with the consumer struggle to face the obvious pitfalls of Fordist economy. The want of individuality of the 1960’s pressured Fordist manufacturers to “construct expensive machine and assembly lines for each product, which lowered volumes and raised costs”. Such demands were satisfied by heightened discipline at factories, and combated by militant protests. In response, American rulers who advocated Fordism pushed for social policies which advocated the same system such as integrating Blacks, Mexicans and poor people into social programs (Auto Opium). These maneuvers were similar to that of the so-called "52-20 Club". This club was a segment of the postwar market notable for a significant proportion of first-time Mexican American car owners. Returning veterans received benefits of twenty dollars a week for a year; combined with other income, this margin often made possible the purchase of a used car, which could be renovated as incremental income allowed (Lowrider2 article). Eventually these ethnic minorities were objectives to integrate into the mass American Consumer culture (Auto Opium 184-185). Although such integration might have seemed appealing and superficial to many ethnic minorities of the time, there were those individuals who took the automotive industry’s products as an opportunity to express identity, creativity and passion.
Bill Mitchell, the father of the Buick Riviera, related the style of his car to fashion trends of the time:
“’Trousers don’t look any damn good without a crease in them-you got to have an edge to accentuate form”’ (201).
His quote not only perfectly summarizes Riviera, but also describes the style of clothing which Low Riders wore throughout post-WWII America. Specifically, the style of pants which Pachucos of the 1950’s sported a fashion which was tailored, creased and highly stylized. Pachucos appeared in America in the 1930s and increased in size, mostly in dense urban geographies, due to rising tides of immigration to the US. The violence of the Mexican Revolution and political anarchy, caused many Mexicans to immigrate to the United states in 1930’s and 40’s. Mexican immigrants, along with a multitude of other international ethnicities experienced America in a time of war, when patriotism was often accompanied by Fordism. The pachuco style derives from interaction and assimilation, between Mexican immigrants and American Zoot-suit culture. Both associated with criminality and rebelliousness, Pachucos and zuit suiters were scorned by an American Society which thrived on patriotism and conformity. Because Americans wore clothing that resembled modesty in correlation with rationing for war aid, the large tailored pants and luxurious clothing of the Pachucos were obvious statements against American ideals (80 Pachuco). Pachucos had a difficult time conforming to American society, “being neither Mexican nor American, the pachucos, like the black youths with whom they shared the zoot-suit style, simply did not fit. In their own terms they were '24-hour orphans', having rejected the ideologies of their migrant parents. As the war furthered the dislocation of family relationships, the pachucos gravitated away from the home to the only place where their status was visible, the streets and bars of the towns and cities”(Pachuco 80). Important cities of destination for Pachucos were Los Angeles and Detroit, two of the world’s automotive capitals. In 1940 the city of Los Angeles, amid its rapid expansion and progression, experienced a unique riot consisting of Mexican American Pachucos. Due to their involvement and habitation in these cities, Pachucos witnessed automotive innovation accompanied by superficiality of the Fordist economy. By the late 1960s and late 70’s, when the Big Three was beginning to introduce muscle cars, “Mexican youth (however) was deprived of adolescence. While Anglo-American youth voted for their psychological status as teenagers with their fads, growing consumerism, and demands for separate entertainment facilities, Mexican youth craved similar treatment”(21lowrider artcle2). The geographical and cultural contexts which surrounded the staunchly defiant Pachuco culture in America pushed these ‘outsiders’ to transform automotive commodities into personalized works of art. These ’24-hour orphans’ internalized the 1940s street culture, where elongated American cars and Hot Rods sped by. Instead of conforming to mainstream American consumerism, Pachucos and Latinos created a completely polar style of riding, consuming, and modifying automobiles. The dream cars produced to manipulate consumers to superficially buy, now inspired these individuals to modify their own vision of dream automobiles. It is no surprise that the Low Rider Magazine’s logo represents the face of a Pachuco.
The Pachuco culture of the 1940’s eventually evolved and changed into the Chicano civil rights movement of the 1960’s and 70s. Although, this generation wore much different style of clothing, the Pachuco iconography resonated deep within the protests and strikes in this era. Much like many American youths, Chicanos valued new technological horizons especially “those of working-class origins, who had only their mechanical skills to distinguish them” (auto opium). The increase in education, literacy and technical skills of Chicanos gave them the recourses needed to retrofit automobiles with hydraulics, spectacular paint jobs and customized body parts. Consequentially, Low Rider cars became increasingly popular in the 1960’s and 70’s. For Chicanos, Low Riders became an ethnopolitical identity, packed with Pachuco defiance of American patriotism, Hispanic iconography and Chicano tradition. The average Mexican American often found his/her Hispanic ideals intermingled and detached with the “transnational flows in capital, people, ideas, technology and media” of American phycology (heart like a car). Low Riders provided much more than means of transportation, they provided an avenue of expression, community, and ideals of the new generation of Mexican Americans. In a literal context Lowriders were often familial heirlooms, passed from one generation to the next. In Chimayo, a small town in New Mexico, has twenty three auto-body shops which represent the area’s familial history with associating and providing business for Low Riders (heart). This strong cultural bond with Low Riders is evidence of simultaneous local and extra local ethnopolitical identity (heart). Low Riders are a rebellious phenomenon, because they deconstruct mass-produced commodities such as American automobiles and transform them into pieces of Latino art. Ironically many of the first modifications of cars that fall under the category of Low Riders, came from early works white male car enthusiasts. The first known modified low rider prototype was apparently created in the late 1930s by a Sacramento auto body man named Harry Westergard, inspired, as legend has it, by his mexicana girlfriend(lowrider2). However, Mecian American Chicanos took modification to a whole different level in the 50s and 60s, incorporating elements which shouted brown pride. Customizers often paint symbols of religious iconography and familial importance upon the hoods and trunks of their cars. Typical images include La virgen De Guadalupe(Virgin Mary), Jesu Christo(Jesus Christ), El payaso(clown) and city sky lines most notably L.A.’s. Chicano iconography correlates with Mexican heritage, however, emphasizing the beauty and power of the Mexican Indian who were oppressed by white Spaniards. Low Rider Chicanos could associate strongly with the struggles of the Indian, because their Pachuco predecessors were often harassed and abused by ‘patriotic’ Americans and policemen. The significance of Low Riders in American art is significant, including the art work of Ruben Ortiz Torrez who considers Low Riders to be alien in nature. He specifically communicates how alien immigrants continually contribute to American art work, and often has more to contribute, artistically, instead of solely providing manual labor for America. The Hi n’ Lo and Alien Toy exhibits emphasizes that the lived experience of transnational artists, migrant workers, diasporic communities, and exiles, occurs outside the cultural norms idealized by the state(Chavoya). Chavoya is an exceptional product of the Chicano movement, which inspired many youthful Mexican Americans to create amazing works of art and contributions to society. The Chicano national movement aided the distribution of the Latino identity across America. Integral in this spreading of identity was Low Rider Magazine, founded in San Jose, created publicity and an audience for the progress and successes of Low Rider customized cars. Low Riders soon began appearing in different parts of the country, with many different looks and local attributes. Brenda Bright argues that after Low Rider culture is spread in different regions; those regions dictate the style and characteristics of those specific modified cars. This phenomenon she characterizes as the customization of a mass produced commodity into an ethnic cultural form. Through these assertions scholars can dictate “a significant discourse of local culture: how Houston lowriders differ from Los Angeles lowrider, how Los Angeles lowriders consider themselves years ahead of all other lowriders, and how to tell Chimayosos-New Mexicans of Hispano decent from the village of Chimayo-from other New Mexican lowriders”(heart). Local geography is inseparable from the low rider identity, so much so that the landscape of an area can be changed through the existence of a local low rider enthusiasm.
In 1971 Reyner Banahm published Los Angeles: the architecture of four ecologies, which made revolutionary statements in the field of architectural history. In his examination of Los Angeles, he created an architectural analysis of the city which was based on anthropology, transportation, culture, phycology and history. Closely related to Los Angeles Low Rider culture was his conception of the autopian ecology. The Low Rider culture which merged so many aspects of Chicano life claimed a ‘place’ and unique identity; in Los Angeles this conceived ‘place’ included the elements of the autopian ecology (heart). It is almost logical that a Chicano movement and Low Riders developed in Los Angeles, given its historically large Mexican population and ‘do-your-own-thing’ attitude about urban lifestyle. Central to Low Rider ideology is the freedom of expression, granted by American spirit and accentuated by Los Angeles culture. Los Angeles Low riders attain increased freedom due to a network of freeways which offer the degree convenience where no Angelino will be in a hurry to sacrifice it for the higher efficiency but drasitically lowered convenience and freedom of choice of any high-density public rapid-transit system (banahm). The oldest Low Rider cruising strip is located on Whittier Boulevard in East Los Angeles. Cruising on this strip became a popular pastime with the Lowriding community during the 1940s before spreading to surrounding neighborhoods in the 1950s. East Los Angeles, during the Chicano movement became known as ‘east los’, its assimilation with Low Riders is an example of automobiles and geographical locations. In this context Low Riders are cultural forms which are incorporated into local cultural landscapes(heart). In his 1990 music video, the Latino rapper Kid Frost included East Los Angeles Low Riders resembling models such as the 1936 Lincoln Zephyr and Chevy 64 Impala. These cars were displayed cruising down the streets of East Los Angeles and specifically under the 4th street bridge, where coincidentally parts the movie Mi Familia were filmed. However, the most notable association between Low riders and the geography of Los Angeles in cinema is in Cheech and Chong’s: Up In Smoke. The majority of the movie takes place inside of Cheech Marin’s Low Rider, cruising the many streets and freeways of the city. Up In Smoke places Low Riding inside of the Los Angeles freeway system, which in Reyner Banahm identifies as a single comprehensible place, a coherent state of mind and a complete way of life(banahm). The way one Low Rides: driving “Bajito y Suavecito”, can be directly associated to the way of life in Los Angeles derived from the unique urban geography. The combination of warm weather, scenic drives and large boulevards of Los Angeles promotes the driver to observe his surroundings while simultaneously being conscientious of those observing his automobile. This environmental awareness comes coupled with extreme concentration required in Los Angeles to drive an automobile. Such technological demands seem “to bring on a state of heightened awareness that some locals find mystical”. Thus, it is no mystery why Los Angeles Low Riders view themselves as “years ahead of all other lowriders”(heart). The Chicano mural renaissance in Los Angeles, also contributes to making the city a Low Rider haven, because of the city’s occupation with avant-garde artistic forms. Low Riders blend perfectly into this artistic city with their vibrant colors, accentuated by the hot Californian sun. Brock Yates in Car and Driver magazine identifies Southern Californian citizenship as recognizing the automobile as a work of art and the freeway as a suitable gallery in which to display it (banahm). Low Riders in similar urban settings (although few) and time frame, create a beautiful image of the Chicano people and their past experiences as Mexican immigrants in America.
As beautiful as this image appears, the shifting of society toward a computerized electronic community, poses a serious question as to the relevance of these classic cars. As technological advancements, automobiles grant the individual limitless mobility and autonomy. These two commodities he/she experiences away from the local community and thus is immersed into an ‘extra-local’ identity. Automobiles, whisk individuals away from their immediate community including family and neighborhood; disconnection is instantaneous upon infinite geographical mobility. Considering these ‘dangers’ of technology, Brenda Briggs identifies that “the machine is not an it to be animated, worshipped, and dominated. The machine is us, our processes, an aspect of our embodiment” (heart). It is in this realization, we can view Low Riders as not just cars, but more of extension of oneself through technological advancement. Low Riders, however, are a unique technological phenomenon, in that instead of detaching an individual away from his or her local cultures, the Low Riders are transformed into embodiments of local cultures and customs. Mass produced cars conduct individual removal, through means of a commodity created and designed by companies fueled by Fordist ideologies. In the context of technological philosophy, as argued by Albert Borgmann, Low Riders are a rare technological embodiment of focal things. Borgmann defines ‘focal things’ as those things which build character and allow humans to feel and maintain their lives with meaningful labor (borgman). The labor that one puts into the customization of a Low Rider in combination with the economical sacrifices he makes, makes the car into a technology loaded with human value. As we enter a new century of increasingly fast paced internet culture, hybrid cars , bullet trains and human enhancement, we must learn from Low Riders that the technology we consume must be done in a fashion which emphasizes focal things. Low Riders may fade into ‘cultural myths’ due to increasing interest in alternative energy vehicles. In California, the automobile in general will be rivaled by the installment of the California High Speed Rail in the year 2020. It is probable that Low Rider culture will diminish and remain secluded to those individuals who own the very few automobiles remaining that were manufactured from 1930-1970.
As the automotive industry gradually moves into the 22nd Century, car manufactures must realize the importance and power of car customization. The electric/hybrid cars of tomorrow will attain new levels of technological complexity which the classic Low Rider or Hot Rod customizer might not be able to understand. Providing the information and parts necessary to customize an automobile to be able to ‘fit’ an individual’s personality and culture, is a necessary development. The spreading of a global economy has created an international roadway in America, displaying cars from countries like Germany, China, Japan and Sweden. The motor way cannon dip back into an avenue of monotonous Fordist consumption, although the variety of cars and colors is almost infinite, there is nothing that expresses personality more than laborious customization. Sadly, Chicanos may not Low Ride into the future, bumpin “Sabor A mi” by Trio Los Panchos, on the practically silent roadway of Whittier Boulevard. However, the generations to come from Pachucos and Chicano families, might have the opportunity to modify their electric vehicles to shout ‘This is where I came from, and as long as there is knowledge to put in my mind, I will ubiquitously flip my cultural switches’.

















Gartman, David. Auto Opium. New York: Routledge, 1994. Print.

Lowrider: Past, Present and Future - The Downshift Episode 1. Dir. Ron James and Mike Wilson. Perf. Joe Ray and Saul Vargas. Low Rider Magazine.com. 31 Jan. 2012. Web. 29 Feb. 2012. .

Banham, Reyner. Los Angeles; the Architecture of Four Ecologies. New York: Harper & Row, 1971. Print.

Bright, Brenda. ""Heart Like a Car": Hispano/Chicano Culture in Northern New Mexico." American Ethnologist 25.4 (1998): 583-609

Cosgrove, Stuart. "The Zoot-Suit and Style Warfare." History Workshop 18 (1984): 77-91.Jstor. Oxford University Press, Autumn 1984. Web. 29 Feb. 2012.

Chavoya, C. Ondine. "Customized Hybrids: The Art of Ruben Ortiz Torres and Lowriding in Southern California." CR: The New Centennial Review 4.2 (2004): 141-84. Print.

Kaplan, David M. Readings in the Philosophy of Technology. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2009. Print.